Parliamentary Vote Brings Focus on Belarus

2004-08-05

Mario Canseco, Centre for Public Opinion and Democracy

When Aleksandr Lukashenko became the leader of Belarus in 1994, his popularity had been attained as chairman of an anti-corruption parliamentary committee that took unreserved legal action against high-ranking officials.

Almost 10 years after his first election, Lukashenko remains at the helm. Through a series of referendums, the president has modified national symbols, restored Russian as an official language, and increased both the length of his term and his clout over the legislative branch.

The parliamentary and presidential elections have not been as smooth as the government-sponsored plebiscites. Turnout was so low in the October 2000 House of Representatives ballot that a re-vote was required in March 2001. In September 2001, Lukashenko earned a new presidential term in an election deemed unfair by international observers.

Lukashenko's human rights record has been severely reproached for years, and the situation has not changed much lately. In March 2003, widespread protests against the government led to the brief incarceration of several opposition figures. Three months later, Russian correspondent Pavel Selin of NTV was expelled from Belarus, after the government took exception to his "tendentious" reporting on the funeral of Pavel Bykov, a writer who overtly opposed Lukashenko. The action provoked a stern reply from Reporters Without Borders, and the Committee to Protect Journalists listed the country as one of the 10 "worst places" to work in.

In early June 2004, three parliamentarians-Valery Frolov, Vladimir Parfyanovich and Sergei Skrebets-began a hunger strike to protest the possibility of fraud in the upcoming Oct. 17 assembly election. The three lawmakers demanded legislation that would guarantee the presence of independent monitors, as well as broader privileges for opposition organizations to oversee the ballot. Frolov, Parfyanovich and Skrebets also protested the arrest of opposition figure Mikhail Marinich, detained in April after allegedly stealing official documents. The hunger strike lasted almost three weeks, but led to no significant amendments.

On Jun. 23, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) issued a statement, claiming Belarus has not done nearly enough to ensure a free and fair ballot in October. OSCE representative Uta Zapf said authorities have actually contributed "to a climate of fear and self-censorship."

In the face of growing international criticism, Lukashenko hinted last month at possible constitutional changes that would enable him to run for president once again in 2006. The head of state said that he might announce a decision on a nationwide referendum later this year. Just 24 hours later, government opponents demonstrated in Minsk to demand a free and fair parliamentary election.

The government responded to the protests by ordering a speedy shutdown of Russia's state television network VGTRK in Belarus, accusing the network of airing "an improper report." While several international media outlets-including VGTRK-estimated that around 4,000 people attended the opposition rally, the government said the figure was closer to 200.

Yesterday, the Supreme Court ordered the Labour Party to cease its activities because "the party's legal address did not correspond with the real location of its headquarters." A statement by the Belarusian People's Front-a member of the Five Plus coalition-decried the move as "another step to cleanse the political spectrum of opponents before the parliamentary elections."

Since Lukashenko took over as president, both his administration and the legislative branch have been dominated by independents. Organized political parties-with an allotted campaign budget of less than $450 U.S. per candidate-face a daunting task in competing against a pervasive government.