Semyon DOMASH: "There will be no second Lukashenko"

2001-07-06

A BelaPAN interview with Semyon Domash, former governor of Grodno region, who is one of the most probable figures to become the candidate of the united opposition.

Five potential presidential candidates [former Prime Minister Mikhail Chigir, former governor of Grodno region Semyon Domash, trade union leader Vladimir Goncharik, leader of the Belarusian Party of Communists Sergei Kalyakin and former Defense Minister Pavel Kozlovsky] vowed to work as a team in this elections. Is this a step toward nominating a single opposition candidate?

From the very onset Vladimir Goncharik, Mikhail Chigir, Pavel Kozlovsky and me have announced that we would act in team, no matter which of us will be later nominated a single candidate. We have recently agreed that each of us should set up a team from among our supporters in the provinces and the so-called central headquarters. But the problem that we have encountered during our meetings in the provinces (we usually meet with the same activists) is that people get confused and do not know how to behave. They do not understand how one can campaign for several people. It would be much simpler for them if a single candidate was identified. Therefore the question is how to coordinate our activities and nominate a single candidate.

In my opinion, it should be made as quickly as possible. Chigir, Goncharik and Kozlovsky believe the decision can be made after the [voter] signatures have been collected, after it is known who has gathered [enough] signatures and who has been registered. But efforts need to be coordinated even in this situation. For example, it is a matter of principle for us who will be included in election commissions. It is our primary task to ensure that the commissions are independent of the authorities and do not sham the results.

Observers constitute the second aspect. Today no one - no political organization or potential candidate - can ensure alone enough observers who would control the observance of the electoral law.

Third, none of us has a broad information field for campaigning. Here again we need to pool efforts and coordinate activities, especially to ruin the stereotypes that the authorities are trying to pin to us through their mass media.

In light of these three aspects, we face the task to coordinate efforts. Of course, at the final stage after the signature collection we should decide which of us will be Lukashenko's "single" contender in the election, which requires a certain mechanism to reach an agreement. That is why I supported the initiative to set up the coalition. Next it is necessary to develop a scheme to coordinate the efforts. We encourage the involvement of the broad public in the process and expect it to make proposals.

The three aspects of effort coordination, which you have mentioned, as well as the mechanisms of promoting a single candidate were discussed at the CRDS meetings [Coordinating Council of Democratic Forces] back in late December. Why was so much time wasted on futile talks?

I believe it should be recognized that the CRDS has lost the initiative in this issue. If the CRDS had not only started the process of nominating a single candidate but had persistently carried it through, we would not have faced the current state of affairs. They made a mistake at a certain stage and failed to act promptly. We have again mired in the bog of coordination, consultations and identifying common goals.

The CRDS failed to unite us, to gather us and to set a common task, which we could address together with the Council. The consultations the way they were brought about the results we have now. But I believe there is a positive side, too, - we have not split but still voice the intention to act in one team. As far as the rest is concerned… I wish everything was done faster, but unfortunately we have failed so far.

It turns out that each of the candidates expects the elimination will be made at the registration stage. It means that your moral agreement has an implication that is not quite moral - there is a hope that some candidates will be eliminated by the regime, with the hands of the Central Election Commission, the Ministry of Justice, etc.

Indeed, it turns out that we leave the issue of selecting the future candidate in the authorities' hands. The authorities will select from among us using all their illegal methods. I will do my best to persuade everyone to make a choice during the signature collection. The current situation can be resolved in a very simple way: if the public, the political forces and trade unions make their choice in favor of one of us as quickly as possible, it can be such a formidable and convincing force that it will encourage others to support a candidate who will be supported by the majority.

Does your coalition of the five take into account the Moscow factor? If Moscow makes clear that it will support a candidate other than you will you withdraw from the race?

I am not sure that Moscow will officially declare support to some candidate. One can rely only on official statements, which, as I said before, will not be made. I know the current Kremlin administration maintains an approach that Russia is a rich and strong country, so it makes no difference for it who will be elected president of the neighboring country. Anyone will have to cooperate with Russia anyway, especially as it supplies energy resources. If Lukashenko does not suit Russia it will stake on a candidate who represents a certain force. Provided he is a predictable politician with a program that does not endanger our countries' relations. I do not want to play down the Russian factor, but I do not want to exaggerate it either.

Is it possible to win without the support of the Russian mass media, without their favor?

In the Belarusian situation, it will be very hard for any of us to win popularity with the voters without the Russian mass media. That is why, I think, the Russian mass media are very important.

I have recently talked to a prominent CRDS member and asked him why the CRDS has frustrated the nomination of a single candidate. He answered that it had happened for fear that Domash or Goncharik would become a second Lukashenko. Can you prove that you will not become a new Lukashenko?

To resist the temptation of becoming a second Lukashenko, each candidate should pledge that his first step in power will be to establish the principle of separation of powers. If I run in the election campaign my first and foremost approach will be the separation of powers and the rule of law. If the separation of powers is effective, if law has supremacy over the presidential edict or decree, it will bar a way to a second Lukashenko.

Are you ready to replace the presidential republic with the parliamentary one?

I am not, as far as the present situation is concerned. I object to making Belarus a parliamentary republic in an abrupt manner. It would mean chaos. We have seen it. But it is certainly an option for the future.

The main thing, in my judgement, is to significantly broaden the powers of parliament. The president should not be in charge of the legislative branch by any means. I prefer the system of those countries where the president is just the head of the executive branch. Here in Belarus two options are possible. First, the president is the head of the executive branch. Second, the president has representative functions, while the executive branch is governed by a prime minister, who is appointed by parliament. But it would be a great mistake to cancel the presidential rule now that we are surrounded by countries with strong presidential systems. In 1994 [being a member of the Supreme Soviet, Belarus' parliament prior to 1996] I voted for introducing the presidential system, because the speaker of the Supreme Soviet would have been an inadequate figure when interacting with leaders of other countries. The presidential functions should diminish in scope so that to pose less temptation to become a dictator.

Your group of four or five candidates reminds of a rock band gathered by producers. Each of you has a certain image, each has a target group: Goncharik is focused on the officials, Kalyakin on pensioners, Kozlovsky on law-enforcement agencies. Taken together, they embrace all voter categories. But will one man take on the image of all if the group splits?

I prefer the image of a manager. I believe it is a very good and attractive image for Belarus. I think only an economically reasonable attitude to all issues at all levels can lead the country out of the crisis. I used to hold economy-related positions and I was good at it. And the main thing is that life showed that I managed to make those people who worked with me masters of the situation to some extent.